The Jews in World Politics by Karl Baumböck

#worldwar2 #wwii #nationalsocialism

Summary: The pamphlet runs 32 pages. The first sections cover Jewish history from ancient to modern times, and end with the claim that Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States are the three centers of the Jews.

I take up the translation with the last three sections.

* * * * *

Jewish World Policies — Jewish World Leadership

We have discussed the centers of world Jewish power. The unified plan is clear. That leads necessarily to the question: Is there some form of world-wide Jewish leadership that carries out this plan?

There are a series of familiar international Jewish organizations: the Alliance Israélite Universelle, the Independent Order of B’nai Briss [sic], the various Zionist agencies (e.g., the Jewish Agency), the international Jewish boycott organizations against Germany, the American Jewish Joint Consultative Council — to name only a few. All of these organizations promote Jewish world power policies in some way. How they relate to each other, which are the most significant, and whether there are secret connections and a central leadership, and where that leadership might be, are subordinate questions. Whether or not there is an organized Jewish government recognized by all the Jews is less important that the fact that there is a unified and conscious Jewish desire for world power. This is proved by a variety of political events that are taking place in plain sight today.

What Does World Jewry Want Today?

We have already discussed the fundamental aims of World Jewry. Their present activities are determined by the tactical situation. What does the situation look like today? Under the leadership of National Socialism, the German people have eliminated one of Jewry’s three pillars. In many other countries, people are also beginning to wake up and see through the Jewish plans for domination. Jewry is therefore doing all in its power to defeat these awakening nations and to force them to give up their new racially-oriented policies. World Jewry is more united today than ever before. They build hate against the awakening peoples with all the resources at their disposal. They depend most heavily, as we have shown, on world Bolshevism and world democracy. With ice-cold, devilish calculation, they unleashed a new world war that they hoped would defeat the national-authoritarian nations. After defeating these nations, the way would once again be open to establish Jewish domination of the remaining nations. The insane goal of World Jewry remains ruling all the nations by controlling their government organs, their territory, their money, and all their goods.

We know that they will not achieve their goal.

Jewry will not defeat the awakening nations, but rather the example of these nations will finally awaken the people who still sleep under “democratic” or Bolshevist rule. That will be the time to finally solve the Jewish question. As Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg said in his speech on the Jewish question to diplomats and the world press on 7 February 1939, this can only occur by removing the Jews from all the nations where they have lived as parasites and transporting to them to a sufficiently large, uninhabited area suitable for colonization.

How little Jewry has understood the gravity of its situation, threatened by the racial awakening of the nations, is shown by its reaction to the emigration question. Jewry wants Palestine. In order to make it possible for the Jews of every nation to move to one place? Not at all. Such a thing is impossible. Palestine could hold only a small percentage of the Jews. The 400,000 Jews who currently live there are surrounded by 900,000 Arabs (with more than 30 million Arabs in surrounding countries!). Even if in violation of all principles of justice the Palestinian Arabs now living there were forced out to make room for the Jews, it would be impossible for a significant part of the world’s Jews to move there.

As Alfred Rosenberg pointed out in his speech, Jewry is promoting the Palestine project for entirely different reasons. It wants to establish a center of power that will provide Jews remaining in those other countries a valuable legal and governmental base. A relatively small, purely Jewish state in Palestine would provide the powerful Jewish groups in other nations with the status of a respectable minority, the right of asylum, diplomatic representation, and similar benefits. It is not a satisfactory solution to the Jewish question, since it leaves the Jews to continue their parasitic existence among the other nations, and indeed gives them new advantages.

The Jews have no serious intention of establishing colonies. That would not be difficult for a people of 17 million, or perhaps twice that number if one includes all who are racially Jewish. They have vast resources, and have already made major strides toward their goal of dominating the nations. It would not be difficult for them to secure a suitable territory. That would be a worthy goal for world Jewish capital. But the rich and powerful Jews of the Bolshevist clique of despots, or in the huge trusts in the USA or the international banks in England and many other countries feel too comfortable to undertake such a difficult, “uneconomic” endeavor. It hardly seems necessary to go to the trouble of bringing all Jews together in one place.

Developments will force them in that direction, however. One day there will be only one escape, a single honest way to solve the Jewish question. Then for the first time in 3,000 years, the Jew will have his own land where, in the words of his own story of creation, he can live “by the sweat of his brow,” even if he had previously thought that to be a disgrace.

There is enough room on the earth for the Jews. A number of possibilities have already been mentioned: Kenya in the British Empire is two and a half times the size of England, and only 18,000 whites, some Indians and Arabs, and 3.1 million blacks live there. Rhodesia is three times as large as England, but only 10,000 Europeans and one and a half million Blacks live there. British Guyana is a large and fruitful land of the size of Yugoslavia. It is still almost entirely unsettled. Large parts of Australia are still uninhabited. French Madagascar is another possibility, and there are others as well. Without going into all the details, it is clear that the question of finding a suitable place for the Jews depends only on their own desire and that of their protectors. That desire is lacking. The future of World Jewry depends on its bowing one day to the pressures of the situation.

The Decisive Battle has Begun!

Our goal is not to predict the future. We see things as they have developed so far, and evaluate the forces currently in motion. These forces, however, already exclude some “solutions” to the Jewish question. There is no longer any hope of stopping the awakening of the nations or of defeating the authoritarian states.

If International Finance Jewry within and outside of Europe succeeds in plunging the nations once again into a world war, the result will not be the Bolshevization of the world and the victory of Jewry, but rather the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe!

The Führer gave the Jews a clear warning with these words on 30 June 1939. International Jewry has succeeded in plunging humanity into a new world war, but the results of the vast battle so far have made it clear that the Jewish string pullers have miscalculated this time. Jewish dominance of Europe has been broken and will never return. Jewish world policies in the old manner are no longer acceptable to the rest of the world. They must fail. The result of the current vast struggle will not be the establishment of Jewish control of the world, but rather a just new order in which all constructive nations will cooperate.

Originally found at https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/aufkla01.htm

The Call of Duty by Joseph Goebbels

#worldwar2 #wwii #nationalsocialism

The one good aspect to 20 July was that it brought each of us to attention. Suddenly the nation stood before an abyss and peered into its terrifying depth. Everyone realized what the failed attempt against the Führer and his top military advisors would have meant. The whole nation realized that its very existence might have ended had the plans of the traitorous Putsch clique succeeded. It is easy to sit in judgment of this or that measure when a strong government is in control. That does not necessarily mean one does not support the government. A nation realizes what such a government means only when it for a moment faces the possibility of losing it. Only then does the nation see the real value of an authority that everyone takes for granted, and to which everyone, without exception, gives the right to rule and to decide. What would these nitpickers do if that authority suddenly disappeared? At such a time as this, a strong hand at the helm is the most important prerequisite to keep things going, and ultimately to win the victory. Few successes are the result of luck or accident; nearly all have to be won in a hard battle with fate. The historical burdens bound to such successes can only be mastered by a personality of historic scale. If that personality is lacking, the struggle is hopeless from the start.

The German people made major decisions on 20 July and the days following and the leadership could not and did not hesitate to carry them out. None of these decisions weakened us; all of them were aimed at increasing and concentrating our war effort. There is no more eloquent proof of the level of German war morale. A nation that after five years of such a war has no thought but to work harder and fight more bravely than ever before, and that responds to such an attack on the life of its Führer, and thereby its own life, with such a wave of confidence and faith, is certain of victory. It need only work resolutely and loyally, undismayed by the dangers and difficulties it faces. At the end of the war the balance will be drawn. Victory can be won neither by cheating nor swindling; the nations must win it honestly, and each action or lack of action is a step toward it or away from it. If 20 July has any larger meaning it is this: It brought each one of us back to the essence of our struggle for existence and reminded us that we have overcome many obstacles in the past, but there are things still worse that could not be overcome.

The total war that is to be realized step by step has both a moral and a material side. It is true that the duties and obligations of each German toward the war effort are laid out more extensively than before in laws, regulations and rules. However, there remains room for individual initiative. It is more than a matter of bringing to bear the not yet fully used reserves of German fighting and working strength. The war is more than a military, political, and economic matter. It is also a matter of morale and worldview, and we must deal with them along with the material issues. Each of us must start with himself, if he wants to change the course of the war in the way each of us longs for. Many of us have given ourselves too much consideration, and have not become stronger and firmer as a result. One individual passed along the hardest burdens of the war to another, who in turn decided he was not up to them either, and that the war could and would be won without him. This viewpoint is as despicable as it is ominous. We find ourselves in no bed of roses, and must use our full strength if our chances of victory are to remain undiminished. More than ever before, we are a fighting community on board the same ship that is plowing through stormy seas. It will either bring us all safely to the secure harbor of a happy peace, or we will all go down together with it.

If we are to take total war seriously, as more than an empty phrase, each must draw the proper conclusions both for his work and for his personal life style. Up until now we boasted about all left over from peace that was still ours in this fifth year of the war. Now we must learn to boast about what we have thrown overboard. A simple, spartan lifestyle does not have to be unhealthy. The more we adjust our lives to the realities of war, the more we benefit our cause, which we all want to see triumph.

It is no great honor for us that one hardly notices the war in public life, save in those areas suffering air attacks. In the future, the war should be everywhere evident. Every foreign visitor should encounter the war everywhere, and see that he is in a nation that is fighting for its life and future, and that is determined to make every necessary sacrifice. Only fools think this will diminish our national prestige. Rather, our friends will admire us and our foes will fear us. The more we bow to the demands of the war, the sooner it will bend to our will. An old proverb says that a nation should think only of war during peace. How much more true is this during war! Nothing takes precedence over the war effort. The more consistently we realize this, the easier it will be to give up the last remnants of peace and serve only the war effort.

We have often said that this is not a matter of fundamentals that we want to maintain forever. We are the last to call for primitivizing public and private life. When, however, there is no other alternative, we must have the courage to toss overboard all the old comforts and conveniences. We will soon see how little we miss them. We know that there are countless millions in our nation who are ready to make any sacrifice, as long as they do not have to fear that their neighbor will fail to join them, leaving them looking like a fool. They do not need to worry. The total war we are waging is on the one hand a matter of each individual doing what obviously has to be done, but it is also a matter of law and penalties. We cannot allow millions of German women to work ten or twelve hours a day while a few thousand do no work at all, for example. And they may not believe that they can meet their duty to the nation by some sort of make-work for their father or uncle. We will take the necessary action against such elements. They sin not only against the material requirements of the war effort, they also harm our morale.

We are happy to enjoy the full support of our nation in these measures. One can truly say that this is what the people want. It has often enough made plain its resolve to give its full efforts for the war and victory, and to make every sacrifice necessary in the successful struggle for our life and freedom. There are only a few who from laziness, a lack of readiness and duty to the community, in part also because of comfort, are not willing to join in, or who do so half-heartedly. They must be helped along, not only for the sake of the countless millions who are doing their duty conscientiously, but also for their own good. More people perish from laziness than from diligence. Especially during a war in which a nation is fighting for its existence, everyone has the duty to join in. In the future, we must see anyone who seeks to escape his duties as a deserter, and anyone who knows and helps him as an accomplice to desertion. Let there be no doubt. From now on things will be different, and a sharp, fresh new breeze is blowing.

This requires a whole series of measures that will reorganize our government and all of public life. One can hardly expect that this will happen overnight, and that things people have long complained about will vanish by tomorrow. We need some time. But that is not a bad thing. The army and war production can absorb only a limited number of new people, so the process must be rapid but organic. We know where the difficulties are and will work to eliminate them. The problems they cause will vanish with them. The measures affecting public life will be as flexible as possible and take account of the situation. We have no intention of eliminating the last forms of pleasure and relaxation for the overwhelming majority of the nation who work very hard. Small pleasures and comforts will be eliminated only where they serve a larger goal. Our actions will be in balance with their results. If for example I can keep the radio going with fewer people I will do so. It provides pleasure for millions of people. But radio also must take account of the war situation and get rid of everything that is not necessary.

In short, we must all see the war as our first priority, giving ourselves body and soul to it, and avoiding every attempt to escape its demands or hide from it for a while. We must prove ourselves worthy of the great age in which we live so that even in the gravest moments we need never reproach ourselves. Thereby we will master all the problems the war confronts us with. We must never do too little too late. We will make no excuses, nor accept any. We will never forget that our behavior during the war will determine not only our future but that of our children and our children’s children. They place demands on us that we must fulfill if we do not want to lose the right to be part of the long history of the generations of our people. We want to pass on that inheritance to our posterity. Fate gave us a sign on 20 July. Forces were at work that wanted evil, but brought about good. We will not be idle. We will obey the call of duty, wherever and whenever we hear it, and know that our actions will bring about victory. It cannot be otherwise. This is a unique war effort, unprecedented in its length and hardness. We have grown through it such that we can master the growing difficulties.

We have never believed so firmly in victory as in this hour. Our path is clear. None of us hesitates to follow it. Freedom and life are waiting at its end. There may be crises and difficulties along the way. We do not fear them. If we use our strength, we will overcome them. Our enemies are boasting too soon. They are only showing us what we must do. We do not care if they gloat today. The victor will not be the one who reaches too soon for the laurel wreath, but rather he who bravely and loyally does his duty, who is not shaken by the storm, who at the end of the war is still standing upright on the battlefield.

Originally found at https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/goeb50.htm

AVOF -The True Story of German – Jewish Relations parts 1 – 8

#worldwar2 #wwii #zündel

Part 1
https://www.bitchute.com/video/lhmX88Igybwl/

Part 2
https://www.bitchute.com/video/YttrkqT9wlfT/

Part 3
https://www.bitchute.com/video/KGovLVTiH2c6/

Part 4
https://www.bitchute.com/video/Ib0TcyMtltIg/

Part 5
https://www.bitchute.com/video/FO4JyreRaBcd/

Part 6
https://www.bitchute.com/video/xZ9uKJiHm3vC/

Part 7
https://www.bitchute.com/video/6YZS2OGPwXJC/

Part 8
https://www.bitchute.com/video/Ls2GFcjQNPMd/

The Question of Revenge by Joseph Goebbels

#worldwar2 #wwii #alliedwarcrimes #allywarcrimes #nationalsocialism

As our V-1s raced over the English Channel for the first time during the night of 16 June, the English public was struck by paralyzing fear. The British Home Secretary Morrison saw himself forced to speak to the House of Commons the next morning about the use of our new weapon of revenge. He did that in a very tortured manner, openly admitting the seriousness of the situation for the British capital, but also attempting to reduce or even deny the serious effects of our revenge weapon. He apparently believed that he could deceive us about the extent of the damage caused, which was not possible, since our months of tests gave us opportunity to understand the new V-1 weapon in every detail, in particular its accuracy and explosive force. But there was yet another crucial reason behind the British home secretary’s attempt to make our first revenge weapon ridiculous. He did not want to give foreign countries the chance to learn the effects of the V-1, particularly since English government circles hoped to develop sufficient defensive measures. These hopes have proved vain. Nearly every day, the London press wrote about a new and effective, or even more effective, defensive measure, but none of them so far has been able to stop our V-1s from flying undisturbed, and in large numbers, toward London.

Now the English government has given up its attempts to deceive its own public and the world as to the extent of the damage. Indeed, they are increasingly doing the opposite, dramatizing things in an emotional manner to arouse the world’s sympathy, and making every effort at injured or tortured innocence. The English are making such efforts to appear the good guy that one has to assume that they do not realize how ridiculous that looks. It is enough to recall all their praise few months ago for the brutal and cynical attacks of the Anglo-American air forces on the German civilian population. When we spoke then of the barbaric nature of such a method of warfare, London replied with mocking laughter. They thought it no longer necessary to wear a humanitarian mask. One had the power, one was on the way down from the mountain peak, and the Reich was no longer a subject, merely the object, of the war. One could do to it what one wanted. Even more than that, in fact; Germany had to be treated in a way formerly used only on defenseless Negro tribes. One no longer paid any heed to the world public or the conscience of the world, which one had so often called upon before. That is how it was if we look back to the beginning of the year. The Western enemies no longer even bothered to keep up appearances. They openly and cynically named their bombs “blockbusters,” and gave their “Flying Fortresses” names like “Murder, Inc.” The English in particular showed their true nature in the plainest manner, without covering anything up.

When we modestly said that we might still have a word or two to say in this regard, that we were preparing new weapons of revenge that would one day fall on England, those in London fell over laughing, and asked us witty questions about whether these new weapons were invented by propagandists rather than scientists and engineers. We did not then think it necessary to persuade the English of the correctness of our announcements. We knew that sooner than the English public would like, facts would speak louder than words. And England has certainly lost the desire to laugh. Even its prime minister, who is usually so fond of cynical jokes, found nothing funny to say about the V-1 in his last speech to the House of Commons. And one has the impression that the London press cannot and will not trivialize things as much as the British home secretary apparently wished. For the first few days, English newspapers called our V-1 the “doodlebug.” Now they call them “robot bombs.” That alone shows the change in their opinion from yesterday to today.

No one can say that the English have given up their appeals to humanity and the conscience of the world in this regard. They made too much of that during their major and successful terror attacks on the German civilian population. Back then, we warned of what is happening today, and said that we were taking careful note of the most cynical voices of British public opinion on the bombing war, since we would be able to make good use of them one day. Now that time has come. It is not persuasive for London to insist that the German V-1 lacks the accuracy and military value that British night attacks on the German homeland last winter presumably had. One need only look at bombed German cities to readily prove the very opposite. If the Royal Air Force’s bombs actually did have some accuracy, British pilots made no use of it when attacking the German civilian population. They above all chose the cultural centers and heavily populated residential areas of our cities to bomb, largely destroying them, while British public opinion, including its prime minster and archbishop, applauded. Those English newspapers that write that England will be repaid for what it did are correct. It does not take great prophetic gifts to say that, since in contrast to our usuall modesty, we predicted it clearly dozens of times.

The newest English objection to the V-1 is that it is vile and unfair, since it is not directed by anyone on our side, but kills and injures people on the enemy side. That is not persuasive. Almost the same thing could be said of British night bombing attacks. Last winter, the weather was so bad that our night fighters were unable to take off. Yet those were just the nights the British preferred for their attacks on the German homeland. When we objected, London told us coldly and bluntly that the purpose of war was to employ and lose as few of one’s own men as possible, not as many, and to cause the enemy as much damage as possible, not as little.

Is not our V-1 the perfect fulfillment of this British desire, and does anyone doubt that if the English themselves had this weapon, they would make full use of it, and would also be able to find reasons to claim it was fair and moral? In London, the newspapers are screaming for revenge.They do this only to make the world forget that our V-1 attacks are already revenge. If the English could take revenge, they would not hesitate. They and their U.S. ally have enough airplanes at their disposal. These, however, are needed for the invasion beachhead. Were they to be taken from there, it would be an advantage for us that is not to be underestimated, which itself proves that, despite British claims, our V-1 has clear military goals and purposes. The English do not want to admit that because they are appealing to the world’s pity.

We do not want to cynically welcome the use of our first revenge weapon, or look forward with glee to coming ones. We would have been happy if it had been possible to conduct the war, also the air war, in a humane and knightly manner. But it was the English who did not want that. They never accepted proposals that would have been good for the fighting armies and peoples. As is well known, this attitude on the part of the British cabinet was responsible for the war back in 1939. But London will not listen to reason. One deludes oneself, and comes to the wrong conclusion.

How often over the past months has the English government used its captive press to claim either that there were no German secret weapons, or that if there were, London knew all about them and was prepared for them. If they did not exist, how can they be in use, and if London knew all about them, how is it possible that our V-1s are flying undisturbed toward London, that women and children are being evacuated from the British capital, that the larger part of London’s population is sleeping in packed subway stations, and that, as English newspapers report, the British people can only talk about German revenge weapons — but yet the English government has taken no defensive measures? Although we have the most cause to be satisfied, we take no pleasure in the desolation our revenge is causing in London. We see is only as a defensive measure that is having an effect. We even shudder to think about what the British capital has to expect from our future and more deadly revenge weapons.

Our revenge action is not at an end, but at its beginning. Military experts far and wide are of the opinion that our revenge weapons are a revolution in military technology. What will they say when our newest and even more impressive weapons come into use! Did London really think that we would simply allow Anglo-American air terror to continue without objection? That we would not take appropriate steps? It may be that the enemy’s scientists are ahead of German scientists in one area or another of military technology, even if their work is based on German research that we unfortunately saw the military significance of too late.

However, one would underestimate German thoroughness and German scientific fanaticism if he assumed that our institutes and laboratories had given up. They have done more than the enemy likes. Their latest inventions are nearly all finished. Some are in the final testing stages, but most are already in production. We are not among those who see technology as the single decisive factor in modern warfare, but it is important. In the past, the enemy was ahead of us in technology, we were ahead in morale. Morale and technology together lead to victory. We can and will surpass him in technology, but he cannot and will not surpass us in morale. That is the decisive advantage on which we must build. Here will we see who in the end has the most endurance.

For our enemy, modern warfare has little to do with humanity. They have been hard and uncompromising toward us; we must face them in the same hard and uncompromising way. They will use every method of warfare they have against us, if it has any prospect of success. We have to do the same to save our necks. We are ahead in one area, they in another. It depends on who fights with the greatest fanaticism, who has the better ideas, who the better morale on the battlefield. He will win. It is not important where the last battle is fought, rather that one has enough regiments and divisions, and that they fight as well on the last day of the war as they did on the first. The fortunes of war will always shift. He who wants to accomplish great things must also accept great risks and dangers. That is what proves the hard and manly character of a warring nation — the determination to defend its life and freedom to the last breath, never showing even the slightest sign of weakness. The stronger peoples will win this war, and they alone will have the moral and historical right to form a new world, for they have earned it with their blood and with the lives of their best sons. The weapons that they use are signs of their inventive genius and their unbreakable will for national existence and freedom. Those weapons do not determine success by themselves. More important is the morale of a people, its firm determination to fight and to win, its absolute faith in the justice of its cause. We have all of that. The enemy has only greater numbers, and better technology for a while in a few areas.We must catch up in those areas and surpass him.

We speak neither from a sense of superiority nor of weakness. We are absolutely confident of our cause, even though we have had severe trials. We would have had to doubt the duration of our victory if France had fallen to us without a fight in summer 1940. That would have been too easy for us, and we could hardly have survived the later hard tests. Fate can be mastered only through hard struggle. When the war is over, we will all know the price that we have paid. No one then will be willing to endanger what we have gained through carelessness or a lack of alertness.

The coming victory will belong to all of us, for we will all have fought, worked, and suffered for it. We will therefore make its results a matter for the people as well, both its benefits as well as its costs. Today everyone must stand firm, fanatically and without compromising. The nation is called to that. It lacks neither means nor opportunities; it need only use them. If it does that, it can look to the coming storms with sovereign confidence. They resemble nature’s thunderstorms that break over the cities and countryside with elemental force, but then suddenly, as if by a divine hand, the darkness of the heavens is parted and the sun begins to shine again.

Originally found at https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/goeb69.htm

A Classic Example by Joseph Goebbels

#nationalsocialism #fascism #worldwar2 #wwii #Musolini #ilduce

It attracted some notice when the author of these lines failed to provide his usual weekly lead article on the Friday following 25 July. Some unfriendly souls even believed that the events surrounding the fall of the Duce and the establishment of the Badoglio regime in Rome rather took his breath away. The falsity of that belief needs no proof today. It would naturally have been possible to speak during the week in question just as it is in any other week, and the situation was such that there would have been more to say than usual about the war and international affairs. However, regard for our national interest kept us silent. We did not want to say what we could say, and we could not say what we wanted to say.

We do not need to say that the treason of the Badoglio clique, which first became evident when Mussolini was deposed, was recognized immediately by the German military leadership. It nonetheless had to put a good face on things while they developed. Just as the traitors worked in secret, so did we. To paraphrase Machiavelli, it was a point when it was a sign of great wisdom to look the fool. Only thus could the disgraceful plans of the traitors in Rome be resisted and ruined.

It was a classic example of the necessity of silence during war. We were not willing to say anything that conflicted with our knowledge and beliefs, and that we knew would be contradicted by the facts within a few weeks. But we could not discuss the true situation without revealing the plans and intentions of the German war leadership. And in the middle of one of the most dramatic moments in the war, we did not want to take up some peripheral issue, leaving us open to the charge of dodging the issue. We had no alternative but to remain silent. We were firmly convinced that developments would soon reveal the reason for our silence.

This happened more rapidly and dramatically than even we could have expected. The German military leadership assumed after the Duce was imprisoned that the Badoglio regime intended to take Italy out of the war as quickly as possible. All the protestations by the reactionary clique of traitors in Rome about their loyalty and dependability were not able to convince us of the contrary. One does not replace a strong man with a weak one in order to wage war more energetically, as the lying Badoglio clique told us. The actions of the clique in Rome proved that they were committing treason on a large scale. There goal was not only to deceive us, but also to give our soldiers in the south over to the enemy. This treacherous betrayal was to be the payment for a better armistice agreement.

The Badoglio regime did not want to leave the war in an honorable way, but rather at the cost of the Axis partner that Italy owes so much to since 1940. The king made the most pompous calls to continue the war and hold to Italy’s obligations, while military and political actions demonstrated treason of the most disgraceful and degrading sort. Spare us the necessity of going through the Badoglio regime’s treachery. Even thinking about it sickens us. There has never been a greater example of treachery in all of history. But it was a treachery that backfired, as the proverb has it.

The German leadership naturally drew cold and rational conclusions at the beginning of developments. The failure of the Badoglio regime’s treachery resulted from the German leadership’s countermeasures. Had it succeeded, the Reich would have faced the greatest danger of the war. Speaking from direct knowledge, we can say that only the Führer’s clear vision and wisdom is to thank for overcoming the danger. Despite all the hypocritical assurances of a treacherous king and his cowardly marshals, who even gave their word of honor as soldiers, measure were taken to defend German interests, despite scandalous disloyalty.

The public knows the outrageous nature of these treacherous events. Not only did they conceal their measures from their loyal, reliable and generous ally, they continued to do so even in the midst of their activities. They made military demands of us that, had we fulfilled them, would have led to the worst possible disaster for our troops in Italy.

One can understand why the Führer was not able to speak to the German people in the midst of these breath-taking events, despite the widespread wishes of the public. The resulting uncertainty had to be accepted as events continued to develop. We presumed that the traitorous clique in Rome would continue their activities, displaying more stupidity than lack of character. That was our plan. We had to play dumb in order to act intelligently.

The German people read with horror the account of the deposing and imprisoning of the Duce. We knew this earlier, without being able to reveal it to the public. If one can make any reproach against Fascism, it is that it believed in a king’s loyalty. His throne was rescued in 1922 by the march on Rome, and like most modern kings, he repaid the strong policies of his most loyal servant by deserting him in the hour of danger by running to those who opposed and hated him. Kings generally are not characterized by thankfulness. Wilhelm I, whose loyalty to Bismarck is an exception, earned the title “the Great.” The Duce was good enough in 1922 to protect the corrupt court in Rome from execution by the Bolshevists. They deposed him in 1943 because they blindly thought they could get along without him. Recent events have shown how wrong they were. The violent removal of a strong man leads to anarchy. The Italian royal house quickly learned the result of replacing a personality of historic stature with a cowardly, treacherous marshal, one who held breaking his word of honor as a soldier to be the height of political wisdom.

One can only pity the Italian people, who were the victims of these revolting developments. Just as a nation benefits from the deeds and accomplishments of strong governments, so too they suffer from the mistakes and failures of weak, amateurish and disloyal governments. It was unavoidable that the Italian people had to suffer at the beginning of the darkest chapter of their history. They have the peace-hungry cowardly elements of Roman society to thank. The thirteen points of the capitulation treaty will have given them a foretaste of what was coming. World history is the world court. Italy’s citizens can learn from the international press what friends and enemies think about the treachery of the king and his clique of generals. Even the English and Americans gag. Their motto at the moment is: “Love treason, hate the traitor.” One does not need to wonder about the judgment of history on the royal house and those around it. That is already clear.

London and Washington are amazed at the German reaction to the Badoglio regime’s treachery. They expected things to turn out differently. The German troops in the south of Italy were to be cut off and destroyed. We would not be prepared to deal with Churchill’s amphibious landing. Air terror would increase. The German people would be so depressed that on 9 November a repetition of the tragedy of 1918 would be possible, even likely. Nothing like happened, or will happen. The English and the Americans have a long way to go to get to Rome, not to mention Berlin. The German army is master of events in Italy. And as for German morale, it has never been stronger than it is today.

The Italian example is not encouraging for we Germans, but rather a warning. We see it as a classic example of what not to do. No one here wants to follow in the footsteps of the Badoglio clique. To the contrary, the consequences that followed the royal house’s betrayal of the nation’s great leader and his powerful friends is a lesson for every German. It has opened the eyes of even the dumbest among us. A flood of letters has reached us recently. In some, the writers regret that this or that annoyance of the war had put them in a bad mood. In the face of what has happened in Italy, they regret it. A university professor writes that he is normally a peaceful man, but after reading the capitulation demands on the Italian people, he is firmly resolved to punish anyone who in his hearing even hints at opposing the war or doubts victory. Everyone in Germany thinks the same way. The threat has not robbed us of courage, but brought us closer together.

None of the English-American hopes have been realized. They shot a poisoned arrow at us, but it boomeranged off the wisdom of our leadership and the firm morale of our people. A danger that first seemed deadly has been averted, and a national misfortune has been turned to our good. How can we doubt final victory in the face of such a wonderful and improbable turn of events? The war brings so many surprises that one cannot predict its course. One must hold to the virtues with which its dangers and difficulties are mastered.

Courage, steadfastness, and confidence in a just fate are always with the brave in the end. Their loyalty is unshakable, they stand by their friends and allies. The treacherous Badoglio clique sinned shamefully against all of these virtues, and they have their reward. A band of treacherous cowards misused their high offices, forgot their honor and followed a false wisdom that wants to escape danger, but falls victim to it. Their names are covered with shame and disgrace in the book of history.

We bow in admiration before that great personality, the Duce. He neither caused, nor could he hinder, the misfortune that came upon the Italian people, but now has even greater claim on our admiration. The whole German nation admires him. It found spontaneous expression when news of his rescue reached us. We are happy that our people think this way. It has a natural feeling for thankfulness and loyalty, and will stand even more fanatically by a man whose lifework is threatened. No one knows what the future of the Italian people may be. Perhaps it is undergoing a hard and painful process that will bring new life. Italy will have to decide for itself. We made a clear choice after 1918: it was for struggle, sacrifice, devotion, and hard work. That led us upward. Each nation is responsible for itself.

We Germans in recent weeks walked a narrow path along the abyss. Not everyone saw the abyss, but we all followed the Führer, who even in his silence showed us the way. More than ever, we sense the blessing of his great personality that watches over the life and future of the nation. Giving to him our full confidence is not only our national duty, but also our proud right. We want to be hard and strong, to fight bravely, to work untiringly, to believe and trust unshakably, until the hour of victory comes.

All of us will then be able to say that have not gained victory unworthily, but rather that it is the reward for struggle, work, and loyalty.

Originally found at https://research.calvin.edu/german-propaganda-archive/goeb44.htm